Recently in Politics Category
A new political party is taking shape in Ukraine. "United Center" (Yedyniy Tsentr) is being built by Presidential Secretariat Chief Viktor Baloha as a party intending to introduce new standards to local politics.
The party has scheduled its first convention on July 12, at which time it is expected to name its leader. Most experts believe current Verkhovna Rada Speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk will be named head of the party.
Don't be surprised to see the new party work as part of a larger coalition. Talks are currently being held with Vladyslav Kaskiv of PORA, Yuri Kamazin of the Motherland Defenders Party and Yuri Kostenko of the Ukrainian People's Party. The Ukrainian People's Party and other smaller groups have already given unofficial consent to form a union with United Center.
Several oblast governors including Victor Bondar (Dnipropetrovsk), Vira Ulyanchenko (Kyiv), Mykola Kmit (Lviv) and Oleksander Dombrovsky (Vinnytsya) may also join United Center.
Further, people are wondering if Igor Rybakov from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and Yuri But from Our Ukraine People's Self Defense Bloc will join the new party. They are the two Parliament members that left the democratic coalition last Friday, effectively killing the "Orange" majority.
It will be most interesting to see not only how this new party develops, but if President Viktor Yushchenko decides to walk away from Our Ukraine People's Self Defense Bloc to join forces with United Center. The new party has already been described as a pro-Presidential group. With Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko being hounded by the country's economic troubles, this could be an opportunity for Yushchenko to get a fresh start and bolster his standing prior to the 2009 Presidential election.
The party has scheduled its first convention on July 12, at which time it is expected to name its leader. Most experts believe current Verkhovna Rada Speaker Arseniy Yatsenyuk will be named head of the party.
Don't be surprised to see the new party work as part of a larger coalition. Talks are currently being held with Vladyslav Kaskiv of PORA, Yuri Kamazin of the Motherland Defenders Party and Yuri Kostenko of the Ukrainian People's Party. The Ukrainian People's Party and other smaller groups have already given unofficial consent to form a union with United Center.
Several oblast governors including Victor Bondar (Dnipropetrovsk), Vira Ulyanchenko (Kyiv), Mykola Kmit (Lviv) and Oleksander Dombrovsky (Vinnytsya) may also join United Center.
Further, people are wondering if Igor Rybakov from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and Yuri But from Our Ukraine People's Self Defense Bloc will join the new party. They are the two Parliament members that left the democratic coalition last Friday, effectively killing the "Orange" majority.
It will be most interesting to see not only how this new party develops, but if President Viktor Yushchenko decides to walk away from Our Ukraine People's Self Defense Bloc to join forces with United Center. The new party has already been described as a pro-Presidential group. With Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko being hounded by the country's economic troubles, this could be an opportunity for Yushchenko to get a fresh start and bolster his standing prior to the 2009 Presidential election.
Two members from the Ukraine's ruling pro-Western coalition resigned today, leaving the Democratic forces one vote short of the 226 needed to establish a majority in the Verkhovna Rada.
Ihor Rybakov from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) and Yuri But from Our Ukraine People's Self Defense Bloc both resigned Friday, surprising leaders of both political groups. The "Orange" coalition, which has held a razor-thin Parliamentary majority since late last year, now holds exactly half the 450-seats in the Verkhovna Rada. It is unclear if the coalition will remain viable or if new elections will be required.
If a new ruling majority cannot be formed, President Viktor Yushchenko, by Constitutional statute, can call for new elections in 60 days. BYuT MP Valery Pisarenko believes this will not affect the ruling coalition because law allows for the replacement of a resigning member from a ruling coalition by another party list member.
Oleksander Efimov, a member of the Parliament rules committee, disagrees, stating the departures make the ruling coalition null and void. He said that Parliament will be unable to act on any legislation until a new ruling majority is formed.
Without a doubt, this is a surprising development. The Democratic coalition has already been on shaky ground due to the disputes between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. It will be interesting to see if these deputies can merely be replaced, or if it forces a new election. The "Orange" coalition has demonstrated such a lack of unity that a new election would most likely put the opposition Party of Regions (PoR) back in power. A new election would also favor Yushchenko's desire to form a grand coalition with PoR, which could help him gain support for next year's Presidential election. Stay tuned - this could get extremely interesting.
Ihor Rybakov from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) and Yuri But from Our Ukraine People's Self Defense Bloc both resigned Friday, surprising leaders of both political groups. The "Orange" coalition, which has held a razor-thin Parliamentary majority since late last year, now holds exactly half the 450-seats in the Verkhovna Rada. It is unclear if the coalition will remain viable or if new elections will be required.
If a new ruling majority cannot be formed, President Viktor Yushchenko, by Constitutional statute, can call for new elections in 60 days. BYuT MP Valery Pisarenko believes this will not affect the ruling coalition because law allows for the replacement of a resigning member from a ruling coalition by another party list member.
Oleksander Efimov, a member of the Parliament rules committee, disagrees, stating the departures make the ruling coalition null and void. He said that Parliament will be unable to act on any legislation until a new ruling majority is formed.
Without a doubt, this is a surprising development. The Democratic coalition has already been on shaky ground due to the disputes between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. It will be interesting to see if these deputies can merely be replaced, or if it forces a new election. The "Orange" coalition has demonstrated such a lack of unity that a new election would most likely put the opposition Party of Regions (PoR) back in power. A new election would also favor Yushchenko's desire to form a grand coalition with PoR, which could help him gain support for next year's Presidential election. Stay tuned - this could get extremely interesting.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is meeting today with French President, Nicolas Sarkozy to discuss European Union (EU) trade negotiations. In the past, G8 leaders only dealt with Russia at the presidential level. This seems to acknowledge that Putin remains the focus of power in Russia, not President Dmitry Medvedev.Under Russia's Constitution, the President is responsible for setting foreign and domestic policy, while the Prime Minister is in charge of implementing presidential policies. Putin seems to have shifted the balance of power, taking the lead in setting the country's policy agenda. Putin appointees continue to dominate senior government positions, including the presidential staff. Only two of Medvedev's close allies hold senior positions - Konstantin Chuichenko is an aide and Alexander Konovalov is Justice Minister.
Putin has increased his policy-making authority by consulting with an inner circle of ministers instead of holding weekly Cabinet sessions. This group, called the presidium, includes the ministers of defense and interior and foreign affairs. Under the Constitution, these ministers are supposed to report directly to the President.
Since taking office, Medvedev's role has mostly been reiterating existing policy. It seems clear that Putin is still in control of the country. As President, Medvedev may not be acting as Putin's "puppet," but he has yet to exert any influence on Russian policy either. To be fair, Medvedev has only been in power for three weeks and is still getting acclimated to his new office. It will be interesting to see how Medvedev works with the government in the coming months. Will he begin setting policy on his own, or will he simply allow his mentor to continue with the status quo?
Kyiv's incumbent mayor Leonid Chernovetsky has apparently won another term in office. With approximately 80% of votes counted, Chernovetsky has almost twice as many votes as his closest competitor, First Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Turchynov.According to the Kyiv City Electoral Commission, 53.39% of eligible voters turned out for the May 25 election at 1,026 polling stations located throughout the city. Seventy candidates participated in the election, producing a ballot measuring one meter in length.
At the time of this posting, data from 830 polling stations reveals the following results:
- Leonid Chernovetsky (36.89%)
- Oleksandr Turchynov (18.71%)
- Vitaliy Klitschko (17.66%)
- Victor Pylypyshyn (6.62%)
- Mykola Katerynchuk (4.34%)
- Oleksandr Omelchenko (2.49%)
- Vassyl Horbal (2.4%)
- Oleh Tyahnybok (1.36%)
- Oleksandr Pabat (1.31%)
- Chernovetsky Bloc (30.02%)
- Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc - BYuT (22.59%)
- Klitschko Bloc (10.46%)
- Lytvyn Block (8.12%)
- Civil Activists of Kyiv (5.83%)
- Party of Regions (3.93%)
- Katerynchuk Bloc (3.41%)
Tymoshenko refused to cooperate with other Democratic political groups to back a single mayoral candidate. This stubbornness gave voters too many options on the ballot. The result was Tymoshenko suffering her first political defeat in what can only be viewed as a failure of monumental proportions.
Many experts viewed this election as a preview of Ukraine's 2010 Presidential election in which Tymoshenko is expected to have a successful run against incumbent President Viktor Yushchenko. If this city election was indeed a Presidential preview, Tymoshenko could be in a lot of trouble. On the other hand, I'm sure Yushchenko is overjoyed at this outcome.
Tymoshenko clearly overestimated her popularity and influence. Obviously, she does not have nearly the same amount of influence over voters as Vladimir Putin did earlier this year, helping Dmitry Medvedev get elected as President of Russia in a landslide.
On May 16, 2008, Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada passed a new law limiting the government's authority. This law restores the President's right to review Cabinet appointments and increases presidential control over defense and foreign policy. The bill was supported by 245 members of Parliament.Due to political deals made during the 2004 protests over election fraud, Yushchenko agreed to a reduction of presidential powers. Two years later, Parliament passed legislation further decreasing his powers. Ever since taking office, Yushchenko has wanted to overhaul the country's Constitution in an effort to restore the balance of power between the President and the government.
Yushchenko saw his opportunity to change the law following the democratic coalition's narrow victory in the September 2007 pre-term parliamentary election. What he did not foresee was Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko's desire to change Ukraine's form of government to a parliamentary republic. If this occurred, it would further decrease presidential powers, essentially making the President little more than a ceremonial figurehead.
While the new law is not exactly what Yushchenko wanted, it is nonetheless a small victory. Due to the unpredictable nature of Ukrainian politics, any victory is worthy of a celebration. It may have been a baby step, but at least for Yushchenko, it was a step in the right direction.
Photo courtesy of the official website of the President of Ukraine
Today, Dmitry Medvedev officially became the President of Russia. Medvedev took the oath of office in the Kremlin’s Andreyevsky Hall and vowed to promote freedom and the rule of law. Medvedev also promised to combat corruption and enhance civil and economic liberties.
Following the inauguration, Medvedev accepted the government’s resignation and nominated Vladimir Putin for the office of Prime Minister. The nomination is expected to be approved by Parliament tomorrow.
Here is a 6 minute section of Medvedev’s acceptance speech:
As his last presidential act, Vladimir Putin also spoke at the ceremony, saying that he kept his promise to safeguard Russia’s interests, and called for support for the new President and the continuation of his policies.
“It is extremely important that we continue the course that has been taken and has justified itself, while prioritizing the interests of citizens ... Over the past eight years we have accomplished a breakthrough that enables us today to map out tasks and plans, not for the next month, but for 20-30 years ahead. We have set ambitious goals and I am absolutely confident that we can achieve them.”
Here is a 5 minute portion of Putin’s speech:
Following the inauguration, Medvedev accepted the government’s resignation and nominated Vladimir Putin for the office of Prime Minister. The nomination is expected to be approved by Parliament tomorrow.
Here is a 6 minute section of Medvedev’s acceptance speech:
As his last presidential act, Vladimir Putin also spoke at the ceremony, saying that he kept his promise to safeguard Russia’s interests, and called for support for the new President and the continuation of his policies.
“It is extremely important that we continue the course that has been taken and has justified itself, while prioritizing the interests of citizens ... Over the past eight years we have accomplished a breakthrough that enables us today to map out tasks and plans, not for the next month, but for 20-30 years ahead. We have set ambitious goals and I am absolutely confident that we can achieve them.”
Here is a 5 minute portion of Putin’s speech:
Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko has publicly voiced her desire to change Ukraine from a semi-presidential republic to a parliamentary republic, which is the dominant form of government amongst European Union states. It appears that Tymoshenko not only has support from her own Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT), but also from the opposition Party of Regions (PRU).
This change requires a change to the country's Constitution and would be in the opposite direction hoped for by President Viktor Yushchenko. Having been handcuffed by constitutional reforms enacted from 2004-2006, Yushchenko has hoped to undo those changes and increase his power. He planned on support from Tymoshenko and the ability to bypass parliamentary approval through a popular referendum. Yushchenko even set up a National Constitutional Council to draft amendments that would reverse the previous reforms.
This Council included representatives from all major political parties, but PRU withdrew in early 2008 and BYuT members have done little more than observe the proceedings. PRU and BYuT have since agreed to draft a separate set of amendments, which appear to support a parliamentary republic.
On April 18, Yushchenko suffered a huge defeat when Ukraine's Constitutional Court declared that the Constitution could not be changed through a referendum. Chief Judge Andry Srtyzhak said the President could submit draft amendments to Parliament, which could then request the Court to determine their legality.
BYuT cheered the ruling and Tymoshenko now believes the Constitution can be amended according to her design and early Parliamentary elections could be held by the end of 2008. Together, PRU and BYuT can easily get their Constitutional changes through Parliament. If this occurs, the character and importance of the next Presidential election could be completely changed.
Now we know why Tymoshenko has refused to acknowledge questions about her potential candidacy in the next Presidential election. Tymoshenko wants power, not to be a representative figurehead. She must have had this planned all along - make concessions with Yushchenko to be assured of becoming Prime Minister, and then take the necessary steps to change the government to a parliamentary republic, stripping the presidential office of its remaining power.
Yushchenko must be devastated by the way in which he was deceived and manipulated by someone he thought was an ally. Ukraine may indeed be better off as a parliamentary republic, but this seems like a sneaky, underhanded way of getting there.
This change requires a change to the country's Constitution and would be in the opposite direction hoped for by President Viktor Yushchenko. Having been handcuffed by constitutional reforms enacted from 2004-2006, Yushchenko has hoped to undo those changes and increase his power. He planned on support from Tymoshenko and the ability to bypass parliamentary approval through a popular referendum. Yushchenko even set up a National Constitutional Council to draft amendments that would reverse the previous reforms.
This Council included representatives from all major political parties, but PRU withdrew in early 2008 and BYuT members have done little more than observe the proceedings. PRU and BYuT have since agreed to draft a separate set of amendments, which appear to support a parliamentary republic.
On April 18, Yushchenko suffered a huge defeat when Ukraine's Constitutional Court declared that the Constitution could not be changed through a referendum. Chief Judge Andry Srtyzhak said the President could submit draft amendments to Parliament, which could then request the Court to determine their legality.
BYuT cheered the ruling and Tymoshenko now believes the Constitution can be amended according to her design and early Parliamentary elections could be held by the end of 2008. Together, PRU and BYuT can easily get their Constitutional changes through Parliament. If this occurs, the character and importance of the next Presidential election could be completely changed.
Now we know why Tymoshenko has refused to acknowledge questions about her potential candidacy in the next Presidential election. Tymoshenko wants power, not to be a representative figurehead. She must have had this planned all along - make concessions with Yushchenko to be assured of becoming Prime Minister, and then take the necessary steps to change the government to a parliamentary republic, stripping the presidential office of its remaining power.
Yushchenko must be devastated by the way in which he was deceived and manipulated by someone he thought was an ally. Ukraine may indeed be better off as a parliamentary republic, but this seems like a sneaky, underhanded way of getting there.
In the eyes of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Ukraine is not an independent nation.Apparently, during a private meeting with US President George W. Bush at the recent NATO summit in Bucharest, Putin said, “Don’t you understand, George - Ukraine is not even a nation! What is Ukraine? Part of her territory is Eastern Europe, and part, a considerable part, was given by us!â€
The summit agenda included the consideration of Ukraine and Georgia's applications to be included in the NATO Membership Action Plan (MAP), the initial stage required to joining the alliance. The applications were blocked, at least temporarily, by Germany and France.
Putin, who feels that NATO's expansion toward Russia is a threat to his country, made it clear that if Ukraine and Georgia are included in the MAP, Russia will acknowledge the independence of Georgian regions Abkhazia and Southern Ossetia. These two autonomous Georgian republics both passed referendums in 2006 declaring their independence, but their sovereignty has yet to be recognized by any country. Putin's recognition of these republics as independent nations would create a buffer zone between NATO forces and the current Russian border with Georgia.
The real surprise was Putin's bold assertion that if Ukraine and Georgia were included in the MAP, Russia may initiate a process to incorporate the Russian-speaking regions of eastern Ukraine and Crimea into its own territory, possibly by force. Yes, that's right ... Russia would claim a large amount of Ukraine as their own! This is hilarious - inclusion in the MAP does not even guarantee NATO membership.
After hearing this statement, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko responded by saying, "If this was really said, it indicates the utmost irritation with the fact that Ukraine began to defend its own national interests, defend its independence, and build its own strategy.†Huh? Believe it or not, Tymoshenko also noted this response was her own personal view, and not an official statement. First of all, the statement was nothing earth-shattering. Actually, it was a whole lot of nothing and a pointedly weak response. Second, I hate to break it to her, but as a high-ranking government official, anything she says in public will be considered an official statement.
So, to recap, the outgoing President of Russia has decided that his country will deny sovereignty to a fellow former Soviet republic and neighbor, possibly by force, if NATO formally considers Ukraine's application for membership, and Ukrainian Prime Minister Tymoshenko makes a weak public response, but declares it to not be official. You just can't make this stuff up - it truly writes itself!
Ukrainian media is reporting President Viktor Yushchenko has sent a letter to Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko protesting the appointments of several former officials from President Leonid Kuchma's regime to important governmental posts.
The following is a list of questionable offers and appointments:
This news truly shocked me. How many times has Tymoshenko refused to work with the Party of Regions (supporters of Kuchma) due to the questionable nature of their past performance in government? Could she be more hypocritical than to refuse to work with the Party of Regions, yet give others with the same background important positions in government? I can't believe she would actually allow someone involved in the 2004 election falsification to hold an office in her government. As hard as she fought for change during and after the Orange Revolution, it is astonishing she would allow the past to infiltrate her cabinet.
It may appear that I have been bashing Tymoshenko quite a bit lately, and I really don't want to do that, but some of her recent decision-making and approach to policy is extremely unsettling. Believe me, I would like nothing more than to see Tymoshenko and the Democratic Coalition succeed and implement necessary reforms, but not the way she is doing it.
The following is a list of questionable offers and appointments:
- Viktor Medvedchuk - former Kuchma chief-of-staff has apparently received an offer to head the National Defense and Security Council.
- Oleksiy Ischenko - a former deputy of Medvedchuk and member of the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (SDPU) is already serving as First Deputy Minister for Regional Development. Ischenko has been implicated in the falsification of the 2004 Presidential elections that brought about the Orange Revolution.
- Taras Kozak - former deputy head of the State Customs service under Kuchma
- Oleksandr Parshyn - former first deputy head of the National Agency for Efficient Use of Energy under Kuchma. Along with Kozak, has been working in the central bodies of power.
- Olha Ginzburg - head of the State Archives Committee and Communist Party member retains her position while being accused of abusing her office by opposing state policy aimed at restoring historical truth.
- Oleksandr Zadorozhniy - current Tymoshenko adviser and former Kuchma representative in the Verkhovna Rada who made a huge effort to force through the political reform that cut presidential power in 2005.
This news truly shocked me. How many times has Tymoshenko refused to work with the Party of Regions (supporters of Kuchma) due to the questionable nature of their past performance in government? Could she be more hypocritical than to refuse to work with the Party of Regions, yet give others with the same background important positions in government? I can't believe she would actually allow someone involved in the 2004 election falsification to hold an office in her government. As hard as she fought for change during and after the Orange Revolution, it is astonishing she would allow the past to infiltrate her cabinet.
It may appear that I have been bashing Tymoshenko quite a bit lately, and I really don't want to do that, but some of her recent decision-making and approach to policy is extremely unsettling. Believe me, I would like nothing more than to see Tymoshenko and the Democratic Coalition succeed and implement necessary reforms, but not the way she is doing it.
What is Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko thinking? In an April 1 press conference, Tymoshenko indicated her intent to take part in Kyiv City Council sessions after the upcoming early elections.
“Should the Kyiv Council session consider significant issues,” Tymoshenko said, “I will for sure attend, because, as of today, the capital indicates the worst results of corrupted work. On the other hand, I would like to show that a wide-scale cleansing of corruption for the whole country will begin from Kyiv.”
Tymoshenko claims that a Kyiv City Council Deputy mandate will not hinder her work as Ukrainian Prime Minister. Yeah, right! She has so much work to do as Prime Minister and has the opposition carefully monitoring her every move. She has struggled to get legislation passed without distractions from another position. I just don’t see how she can be successful in both positions at the same time.
If she really becomes a city council deputy, the work of one or both of these positions is going to suffer. President Viktor Yushchenko is probably very interested in this situation. If Tymoshenko fails to get her work done as Prime Minister, it could make Yushchenko the favorite to become the democratic candidate for next year’s presidential election.
I think this would be a huge mistake by Tymoshenko, but we’ll have to wait and see what happens.
“Should the Kyiv Council session consider significant issues,” Tymoshenko said, “I will for sure attend, because, as of today, the capital indicates the worst results of corrupted work. On the other hand, I would like to show that a wide-scale cleansing of corruption for the whole country will begin from Kyiv.”
Tymoshenko claims that a Kyiv City Council Deputy mandate will not hinder her work as Ukrainian Prime Minister. Yeah, right! She has so much work to do as Prime Minister and has the opposition carefully monitoring her every move. She has struggled to get legislation passed without distractions from another position. I just don’t see how she can be successful in both positions at the same time.
If she really becomes a city council deputy, the work of one or both of these positions is going to suffer. President Viktor Yushchenko is probably very interested in this situation. If Tymoshenko fails to get her work done as Prime Minister, it could make Yushchenko the favorite to become the democratic candidate for next year’s presidential election.
I think this would be a huge mistake by Tymoshenko, but we’ll have to wait and see what happens.
